Search results for Trotsky
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27,
11:00,
2008-04-30 06:58:20
Description: THE RUSSIAN CIVIL WAR
Workers' Russia was not greeted by a revolution in Germany, by warm arms and offers of fraternal assistance. Instead, it was greeted by the invasion of 17 armies from 14 (More) THE RUSSIAN CIVIL WAR
Workers' Russia was not greeted by a revolution in Germany, by warm arms and offers of fraternal assistance. Instead, it was greeted by the invasion of 17 armies from 14 countries. Alone, isolated, encircled, revolutionary Russia undertook the heroic task of defending itself.
On 18 February 1918 the German army declared itself at war with revolutionary Russia. In under two weeks German troops marched 125 miles into Russia, arming White troops, and sweeping aside the Red Guards and the remnants of the old army units at Narva, within 100 miles of Petrograd. They landed in Finland and backed the White terror that smashed the revolutionary government there, costing 20,000 lives. The new revolutionary government, barely three months old, faced enormous danger.
Germany demanded huge swathes of Russia in return for halting its advance. The Bolsheviks had no choice. Lenin argued: "We are now powerless. German imperialism has gripped us by the throat... give me an army of 100,000 men, but it must be a strong, steadfast army that will not tremble at the sight of the foe, and I will not sign the peace treaty." That was exactly what the revolution did not have, and the Bolsheviks agreed to sign the peace on 19 February. The next day the decree was issued for the formation of the Red Army.
Under the leadership of Trotsky, a Red Army was created that for nearly three years criss-crossed Russia battling the armies of world capitalism. The initial defence of the revolution had been a volunteer army based on the armed workers, the Red Guard. Such slender and disorganised forces were hopelessly inadequate. The desperate circumstances of occupation, and a reinvigorated White army aided and trained by the Allies, demanded a centralised and disciplined mass army.
Leon Trotsky was charged with the task of building such an army. Trotsky's strategy was to construct a regular standing army, to disperse the soldiers' committees, and to recruit officers from the old army as 'military specialists'. Thereby, Trotsky introduced political commissars (members of the Communist Party who supervise the political and ideological education of the troops) into the Red Army, in which latter were responsible for ensuring the loyalty of military experts and co-signing their orders.
By 1918 there were 165,000 military specialists in the Red Army. In each of its 16 armies political commissars were appointed to match the military commanders, countersigning every order and taking responsibility for political morale. As the Civil War wore on, the numbers of Communist Party members in the army rose from 180,000 in October 1919 to 278,000 in August 1920, replacing many of the military specialists. Large numbers of workers who joined the party went straight to the fronts. The revolutionaries were crucial in organising both within the army and in White areas among the local populations. The Civil War was fought on the principle of spreading the revolution.
Political education for soldiers was a priority, summed up in the first emblem of the army, a hammer and sickle with a rifle and a book. Each army had a political department which, despite desperate shortages, poured out pamphlets, newspapers, posters and leaflets. They set up mobile libraries and reading courses to fight illiteracy and to enable soldiers to take an active part in the new society. By the end of the Civil War there were 3,000 Red Army schools, and every soldiers' club had a reading room. As Trotsky wrote in his autobiography: "For us, the tasks of education in socialism were closely integrated with those of fighting. Ideas that enter the mind under fire remain there securely and forever."
In the summer of 1918 conscription was introduced in working class areas and the parts of Russia under immediate threat. Hundreds of thousands responded to the first call ups, despite being exhausted from years of fighting. The army grew from 331,000 in August 1918 to over 600,000 by the end of the year. This was the beginning of the force, eventually 5 million strong, which would triumph against the odds after nearly three years of fighting.
Trotsky was awarded with the Order of the Red Banner for your successfull actions in the Russian Civil War. With all due reason, Ernest Léderrey affirmed: "It wouldn't be an exaggeration to say that Trotsky was the principal responsible for the victory in the Civil War". (Less) Channel: youtube
20,
04:19,
2008-02-22 12:42:20
Description: EXILE AND THE FOURTH INTERNATIONAL
Trotsky was deported from the Soviet Union in February 1929. His first station in exile was at Büyükada off the coast of Istanbul, where he stayed four (More) EXILE AND THE FOURTH INTERNATIONAL
Trotsky was deported from the Soviet Union in February 1929. His first station in exile was at Büyükada off the coast of Istanbul, where he stayed four years. There were many former White Army officers in Istanbul, which put Trotsky's life in danger, but a number of Trotsky's European supporters volunteered to serve as bodyguards and assured his safety.
In 1933 Trotsky was offered asylum in France by Daladier. He stayed first at Royan, then at Barbizon. He was not allowed to visit Paris. In 1935 it was implied to him that he was no longer welcome in France. After weighing alternatives, he moved to Norway, where he got permission from then Justice minister Trygve Lie to enter the country, Trotsky was a guest of Konrad Knudsen near Oslo. After two years, allegedly under influence from the Soviet Union, he was put under house arrest. After consultations with Norwegian officials, his transfer to Mexico on a freighter was arranged (see: Leon Trotsky — Part 5: "Exile and Death").
In France in 1938, Trotsky and his supporters founded the Fourth International, which was intended to be a revolutionary and internationalist alternative to the Stalinist Comintern.
At first Trotsky was opposed to the idea of establishing parallel Communist Parties or a parallel international Communist organization that would compete with the Third International for fear of splitting the Communist movement. However, Trotsky changed his mind in mid-1933 after the Nazi takeover in Germany and the Comintern's response to it, when he proclaimed that:
"An organization which was not roused by the thunder of fascism and which submits docilely to such outrageous acts of the bureaucracy demonstrates thereby that it is dead and that nothing can ever revive it. (...) In all our subsequent work it is necessary to take as our point of departure the historical collapse of the official Communist International".
Trotsky claimed that the Third Period policies of the Comintern had contributed to the rise of Adolf Hitler in Germany, and that its turn to a popular front policy sowed illusions in reformism and pacifism and "clear[ed] the road for a fascist overturn". By 1935 he claimed that the Comintern had fallen irredeemably into the hands of the Stalinist bureaucracy. In the same year, Trotsky wrote an Open Letter for the Fourth International, reaffirming the Declaration of Four, while documenting the recent course of the Comintern and the Socialist International. In the letter, he called for the urgent formation of a Fourth International. The "First International Conference for the Fourth International" was held in Paris in June 1936, reports giving its location as Geneva for security reasons. This meeting dissolved the International Communist League, founding in its place the Movement for the Fourth International on Trotsky's perspectives.
Thirty delegates attended a founding conference of the Fourth International, held in September 1938, in the home of Alfred Rosmer just outside Paris. Present at the meeting were delegates from all the major countries of Europe, and from North America, although for reasons of cost and distance, few delegates attended from Asia or Latin America. An International Secretariat was established, with many of the day's leading Trotskyists and most countries in which Trotskyists were active represented. Among the resolutions adopted by the conference were the Transitional Programme.
The Transitional Programme was the central programmatic statement of the congress, summarising its strategic and tactical conceptions for the revolutionary period that it saw opening up as a result of the war which Trotsky had been predicting for some years; it contains a summation of the conjunctural understanding of the movement at that date and a series of transitional policies designed to develop the struggle for workers' power. (Less) Channel: youtube
7,
04:18,
2008-02-18 15:52:31
Description: THE LEFT OPPOSITION
In the fall of 1922, Lenin's relationship with Stalin deteriorated over Stalin's heavy-handed and chauvinistic handling of the issue of merging Soviet republics into (More) THE LEFT OPPOSITION
In the fall of 1922, Lenin's relationship with Stalin deteriorated over Stalin's heavy-handed and chauvinistic handling of the issue of merging Soviet republics into one federal state, the USSR. At that point, Lenin offered Trotsky an alliance against Soviet bureaucracy in general and Stalin in particular. The alliance proved effective on the issue of foreign trade, but it was complicated by Lenin's progressing illness. In January 1923 the strained relationship between Lenin and Stalin completely broke down when Stalin insulted Lenin's wife, Nadezhda Krupskaya. Lenin amended his Testament suggesting that Stalin should be replaced as the party's General Secretary. In March 1923, days before the third stroke that put an end to his political life, Lenin prepared a frontal assault on Stalin's "Great-Russian nationalistic campaign" against the Georgian Communist Party (the so-called Georgian Affair) and invited Trotsky to deliver the blow at the XIIth Party Congress.
After Lenin's death on January 21, 1924, there was little overt political disagreement within the Soviet leadership throughout most of 1924. On the surface, Trotsky remained the most prominent and popular Bolshevik leader, although his "mistakes" were often alluded to by "troika" (triumvirate formed by Stalin, Kamenev and Zinoviev). Behind the scenes, he was completely cut off from the decision making process. Politburo meetings were pure formalities since all key decisions were made ahead of time by the troika and its supporters.
In the meantime, the Left Opposition, which had coagulated somewhat unexpectedly in late 1923 and lacked a definite platform aside from general dissatisfaction with the intra-Party "regime", began to crystallize. It lost some less dedicated members to the harassment by the troika, but it also began formulating a program. Economically, the Left Opposition and its theoretician Yevgeny Preobrazhensky came out against further development of capitalist elements in the Soviet economy and in favor of faster industrialization of the economy. That put them on a collision course with Bukharin and Rykov, the "Right" group within the Party, who supported troika at the time. On the question of world revolution, Trotsky and Karl Radek saw a period of stability in Europe while Stalin and Zinoviev confidently predicted an "acceleration" of revolution in Western Europe in 1924. On the theoretical plane, Trotsky remained committed to the Bolshevik idea (and consequently Marxist-Leninist) that the Soviet Union could not create a true socialist society in the absence of the world revolution, while Stalin gradually came up with a illusory policy chauvinistic and social-democratic developed by Georg Von Vollmar in 1879 of building "Socialism in One Country". These ideological divisions provided much of the intellectual basis for the political divide between Trotsky and the Left Opposition on the one hand and Stalin and his allies on the other.
During a lull in the intra-party fighting in the spring of 1926, Zinoviev, Kamenev and their supporters in the New Opposition gravitated closer to Trotsky's supporters and the two groups soon formed an alliance, which also incorporated some smaller opposition groups within the Communist Party. The alliance became known as the United Opposition.
The United Opposition was repeatedly threatened with sanctions by the Stalinist leadership of the Communist Party. The opposition remained united against Stalin throughout 1926 and 1927, especially on the issue of the Chinese Revolution. The methods used by the Stalinists against the Opposition were becoming more and more extreme.
In October 1927, Trotsky and Zinoviev were expelled from the Central Committee. When the United Opposition tried to organize independent demonstrations commemorating the 10th anniversary of the Bolshevik seizure of power in November 1927, the demonstrators were dispersed by force and Trotsky and Zinoviev were expelled from the Communist Party on November 12. Their leading supporters, from Kamenev down, were expelled in December 1927 by the XVth Party Congress, which paved the way for mass expulsions of rank and file oppositionists as well as internal exile of opposition leaders in early 1928.
When the XVth Party Congress made Opposition views incompatible with membership in the Communist Party, Zinoviev, Kamenev and their supporters capitulated and renounced their alliance with the Left Opposition. Trotsky and most of his followers, on the other hand, refused to surrender and stayed the course.
Trotsky was exiled to Alma-Ata (now in Kazakhstan) on January 31, 1928. He was expelled from the Soviet Union in February 1929, accompanied by his wife Esklanor Sedova and his son Leon Sedov. (Less) Channel: youtube
23,
03:54,
2008-02-08 21:05:30
Description: THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION
After the events of Bloody Sunday (1905), Trotsky secretly returned to Russia in February 1905. At first he wrote leaflets for an underground printing press in Kiev, but soon (More) THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION
After the events of Bloody Sunday (1905), Trotsky secretly returned to Russia in February 1905. At first he wrote leaflets for an underground printing press in Kiev, but soon moved to the capital, Saint Petersburg. There he worked with both Bolsheviks like Central Committee member Leonid Krasin as well as the local Menshevik committee, which he pushed in a more radical direction. The latter, however, was betrayed by a secret police agent in May. Trotsky had to flee to rural Finland where he worked on fleshing out his theory of permanent revolution until October, when a nationwide strike made it possible for him to return to St. Petersburg.
After returning to the capital, Trotsky and Parvus took over the newspaper Russian Gazette and increased its circulation to 500,000. Trotsky also co-founded Nachalo ("The Beginning") with Parvus, which proved to be very successful.
Trotsky and other Soviet leaders were put on trial in 1906 on charges of supporting an armed rebellion. At the trial, Trotsky delivered some of the best speeches of his life and solidified his reputation as an effective public speaker, which he confirmed in 1917-1920. He was convicted and sentenced to deportation.
In August 7, 1917 (New Style) Trotsky was arrested again after an unsuccessful pro-Bolshevik uprising in Petrograd, but was released 40 days later in the aftermath of the failed counter-revolutionary uprising by Lavr Kornilov. After the Bolsheviks gained a majority in the Petrograd Soviet, Trotsky was elected Chairman on October 8 (New Style). He sided with Lenin against Grigory Zinoviev, Lev Kamenev and Josef Stalin when the Bolshevik Central Committee discussed staging an armed uprising and he led the efforts to overthrow the Provisional Government headed by Aleksandr Kerensky.
By the end of 1917, Trotsky was unquestionably the second man in the Bolshevik Party after Lenin. After the Bolsheviks came to power, Trotsky became the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs and published the secret treaties previously signed by the Triple Entente that detailed plans for post-war reallocation of colonies and redrawing state borders. Trotsky was the head of the Soviet delegation during the peace negotiations in Brest-Litovsk between December 22, 1917 and February 10, 1918. (Less) Channel: youtube
11,
03:54,
2008-04-21 19:53:26
Description: THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION After the events of Bloody Sunday (1905), Trotsky secretly returned to Russia in February 1905. At first he wrote leaflets for an underground printing press in Kiev, but soon (More) THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION After the events of Bloody Sunday (1905), Trotsky secretly returned to Russia in February 1905. At first he wrote leaflets for an underground printing press in Kiev, but soon moved to the capital, Saint Petersburg. There he worked with both Bolsheviks like Central Committee member Leonid Krasin as well as the local Menshevik committee, which he pushed in a more radical direction. The latter, however, was betrayed by a secret police agent in May. Trotsky had to flee to rural Finland where he worked on fleshing out his theory of permanent revolution until October, when a nationwide strike made it possible for him to return to St. Petersburg. After returning to the capital, Trotsky and Parvus took over the newspaper Russian Gazette and increased its circulation to 500,000. Trotsky also co-founded Nachalo ("The Beginning") with Parvus, which proved to be very successful. Trotsky and other Soviet leaders were put on trial in 1906 on charges of supporting an armed rebellion. At the trial, Trotsky delivered some of the best speeches of his life and solidified his reputation as an effective public speaker, which he confirmed in 1917-1920. He was convicted and sentenced to deportation. In August 7, 1917 (New Style) Trotsky was arrested again after an unsuccessful pro-Bolshevik uprising in Petrograd, but was released 40 days later in the aftermath of the failed counter-revolutionary uprising by Lavr Kornilov. After the Bolsheviks gained a majority in the Petrograd Soviet, Trotsky was elected Chairman on October 8 (New Style). He sided with Lenin against Grigory Zinoviev, Lev Kamenev and Josef Stalin when the Bolshevik Central Committee discussed staging an armed uprising and he led the efforts to overthrow the Provisional Government headed by Aleksandr Kerensky. By the end of 1917, Trotsky was unquestionably the second man in the Bolshevik Party after Lenin. After the Bolsheviks came to power, Trotsky became the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs and published the secret treaties previously signed by the Triple Entente that detailed plans for post-war reallocation of colonies and redrawing state borders. Trotsky was the head of the Soviet delegation during the peace negotiations in Brest-Litovsk between December 22, 1917 and February 10, 1918. (Less) Channel: youtube
11,
10:45,
2008-04-22 10:45:03
Description: Part of Gardner-Webb University Theatre's presentation of "All in the Timing" by David Ives. Starring Matt Fraiser as Leon Trotsky, Traci Beckett as Mrs. Trotsky, and Josh House as (More) Part of Gardner-Webb University Theatre's presentation of "All in the Timing" by David Ives. Starring Matt Fraiser as Leon Trotsky, Traci Beckett as Mrs. Trotsky, and Josh House as Ramon Mercader, directed by student director Kyle Case. Gardner-Webb theatre tries to take a non-traditional approach to shows as well as emphasize STUDENT theatre. Our shows are designed by a faculty member, but the work is all done by students. This show was directed entirely by student directors. (Less) Channel: youtube
9,
10:51,
2008-04-28 13:01:24
Description: EXILE AND DEATH
In Mexico, Trotsky lived at one point at the home of the painter Diego Rivera, and at another at that of Rivera's wife & fellow painter, Frida Kahlo. He remained a prolific (More) EXILE AND DEATH
In Mexico, Trotsky lived at one point at the home of the painter Diego Rivera, and at another at that of Rivera's wife & fellow painter, Frida Kahlo. He remained a prolific writer in exile, penning several key works, including his History of the Russian Revolution (1930) and The Revolution Betrayed (1936), a critique of the Soviet Union under Stalinism. In February 1938 Rivera and another Trotsky admirer, the French Surrealist poet André Breton, signed a manifesto in Partisan Review, a left-wing anti-Stalinist New York literary magazine, calling for creation of an International Federation of Revolutionary Writers and Artists. Purpose of the federation was to resist Stalinist cultural domination in the arts.
Trotsky and Diego Rivera enter in divergences in 1939. The break caused Trotsky to move out of Rivera's house, moved into his own residence in Coyoacán, a neighborhood in Mexico City. At the same time, he was fair-minded enough to describe Rivera as "a genius whose political blunderings could cast no shadow either on his art or on his personal integrity."
On May 24, 1940, Trotsky survived a raid on his home by Stalinist assassins under the leadership of GPU agent Iosif Romualdovich Grigulevich, Mexican Stalinist painter David Alfaro Siqueiros, and Vittorio Vidale. Later, on August 20, 1940, Trotsky was successfully attacked in his home by a Stalinist agent, Ramón Mercader, who drove the pick of an ice axe into Trotsky's skull.
The blow was poorly delivered, however, and failed to kill Trotsky instantly, as Mercader had intended. Witnesses stated that Trotsky spat on Mercader and began struggling fiercely with him. Hearing the commotion, Trotsky's bodyguards burst into the room and nearly killed Mercader, but Trotsky stopped them, shouting, "Do not kill him! This man has a story to tell". Trotsky was taken to hospital, operated on, and survived for more than a day after that, dying at the age of 61 on August 21, 1940.
Mercader later testified at his trial:
"I laid my raincoat on the table in such a way as to be able to remove the ice axe which was in the pocket. I decided not to miss the wonderful opportunity that presented itself. The moment Trotsky began reading the article, he gave me my chance; I took out the ice axe from the raincoat, gripped it in my hand and, with my eyes closed, dealt him a terrible blow on the head".
According to James P. Cannon, the secretary of the Socialist Workers Party (USA), Trotsky's last words were "I will not survive this attack. Stalin has finally accomplished the task he attempted unsuccessfully before." But in the Post Scriptum of your Testament Trotsky left us the following words:
"The nature of my illness (high and rising blood pressure) is such — as I understand it — that the end must come suddenly, most likely — again, this is my personal hypothesis — through a brain haemorrhage. This is the best possible end I can wish for. It is possible, however, that I am mistaken (I have no desire to read special books on this subject and the physicians naturally will not tell the truth). If the sclerosis should assume a protracted character and I should be threatened with a long-drawn-out invalidism (at present I feel, on the contrary, rather a surge of spiritual energy because of the high blood pressure, but this will not last long), then I reserve the right to determine for myself the time of my death. The 'suicide' (if such a term is appropriate in this connection) will not in any respect be an expression of an outburst of despair or hopelessness. Natasha and I said more than once that one may arrive at such a physical condition that it would be better to cut short one's own life or, more correctly, the too slow process of dying... But whatever may be the circumstances of my death I shall die with unshaken faith in the communist future. This faith in man and in his future gives me even now such power of resistance as cannot be given by any religion."
The funeral of Trotsky was accompanied by a solidary manifestation of the Mexican people, that denoted deep sympathies to the old Russian revolutionary. Trotsky's house in Coyoacán was preserved in much the same condition as it was on the day of the assassination and is now a museum run by a board which includes his grandson Esteban Volkov. The current director of the museum is Dr. Carlos Ramirez Sandoval under whose supervision the museum has improved considerably after years of neglect. Trotsky's grave is located on its grounds. (Less) Channel: youtube
10,
09:00,
2008-04-01 19:27:01
Description: this film is about Trotsky Rule on Civil war in Russia.
Channel: veoh
17,
11:00,
2008-04-20 08:27:41
Description: Workers' Russia was not greeted by a revolution in Germany, by warm arms and offers of fraternal assistance. Instead, it was greeted by the invasion of 17 armies from 14 countries. Alone, (More) Workers' Russia was not greeted by a revolution in Germany, by warm arms and offers of fraternal assistance. Instead, it was greeted by the invasion of 17 armies from 14 countries. Alone, isolated, encircled, revolutionary Russia undertook the heroic task of defending itself.
On 18 February 1918 the German army declared itself at war with revolutionary Russia. In under two weeks German troops marched 125 miles into Russia, arming White troops, and sweeping aside the Red Guards and the remnants of the old army units at Narva, within 100 miles of Petrograd. They landed in Finland and backed the White terror that smashed the revolutionary government there, costing 20,000 lives. The new revolutionary government, barely three months old, faced enormous danger.
Germany demanded huge swathes of Russia in return for halting its advance. The Bolsheviks had no choice. Lenin argued: "We are now powerless. German imperialism has gripped us by the throat... give me an army of 100,000 men, but it must be a strong, steadfast army that will not tremble at the sight of the foe, and I will not sign the peace treaty." That was exactly what the revolution did not have, and the Bolsheviks agreed to sign the peace on 19 February. The next day the decree was issued for the formation of the Red Army.
Under the leadership of Trotsky, a Red Army was created that for nearly three years criss-crossed Russia battling the armies of world capitalism. The initial defence of the revolution had been a volunteer army based on the armed workers, the Red Guard. Such slender and disorganised forces were hopelessly inadequate. The desperate circumstances of occupation, and a reinvigorated White army aided and trained by the Allies, demanded a centralised and disciplined mass army.
Leon Trotsky was charged with the task of building such an army. Trotsky's strategy was to construct a regular standing army, to disperse the soldiers' committees, and to recruit officers from the old army as 'military specialists'. Thereby, Trotsky introduced political commissars (members of the Communist Party who supervise the political and ideological education of the troops) into the Red Army, in which latter were responsible for ensuring the loyalty of military experts and co-signing their orders.
By 1918 there were 165,000 military specialists in the Red Army. In each of its 16 armies political commissars were appointed to match the military commanders, countersigning every order and taking responsibility for political morale. As the Civil War wore on, the numbers of Communist Party members in the army rose from 180,000 in October 1919 to 278,000 in August 1920, replacing many of the military specialists. Large numbers of workers who joined the party went straight to the fronts. The revolutionaries were crucial in organising both within the army and in White areas among the local populations. The Civil War was fought on the principle of spreading the revolution.
Political education for soldiers was a priority, summed up in the first emblem of the army, a hammer and sickle with a rifle and a book. Each army had a political department which, despite desperate shortages, poured out pamphlets, newspapers, posters and leaflets. They set up mobile libraries and reading courses to fight illiteracy and to enable soldiers to take an active part in the new society. By the end of the Civil War there were 3,000 Red Army schools, and every soldiers' club had a reading room. As Trotsky wrote in his autobiography: "For us, the tasks of education in socialism were closely integrated with those of fighting. Ideas that enter the mind under fire remain there securely and forever."
In the summer of 1918 conscription was introduced in working class areas and the parts of Russia under immediate threat. Hundreds of thousands responded to the first call ups, despite being exhausted from years of fighting. The army grew from 331,000 in August 1918 to over 600,000 by the end of the year. This was the beginning of the force, eventually 5 million strong, which would triumph against the odds after nearly three years of fighting.
With ascension of Stalin to the power the Red Army was completely decapitated and deformed, Stalin crowned his purges by abolishing the "Socialist Oath" of the Red Army, instituting new disciplinary statutes in the spirit of bourgeois armies, and elevating still another officers' caste from corporals to Marshals, with himself as commander-in-chief. Stalin has appointed people without revolutionary experience, without military knowledge, without prestige among the troops, and without any moral capital.
* This video is dedicate in memory of Nikolay Georgiyevich Markin — sailor Bolshevik in the Baltic Fleet, which died as a hero on the Volga Front during the Civil War. (Less) Channel: youtube
1,
12:57,
2008-01-18 13:10:43
Description: Variations of the Death of Trotsky by David Ives as performed by the Pigeon Players Theatre Company. Directed by Angie Higgins.
Channel: youtube
4,
09:50,
2008-06-23 21:20:09
Description: Leon Trotsky: fondateur et commandant de l'Armée Rouge
Channel: youtube
1,
03:36,
2008-07-18 23:31:16
Description: Filmed right where Trotsky's ashes are interred, at where he lived in Coyoacan. I have a few errors, though: 1. Trotsky's murderer actually posed as an intellectual and showed Trotsky an (More) Filmed right where Trotsky's ashes are interred, at where he lived in Coyoacan. I have a few errors, though: 1. Trotsky's murderer actually posed as an intellectual and showed Trotsky an article. While Trotsky was engrossed in it, he dealt the death blow. 2. It was an ice AXE, not an ice PICK.
If you have a spare day in Mexico City, though, it's worth it to head to Coyoacan and take in the Trotsky museum. (Less) Channel: youtube
0,
01:39,
2008-07-28 14:59:07
Description: Tribute To Leon Trotsky
Channel: youtube
8,
02:02,
2008-09-16 16:40:09
Description: Leon Trotsky talking to the media about the Moscow frame-up trials in Stalinist Russia.
Channel: youtube
0,
01:35,
2008-08-01 19:49:13
Description: Escena de la pelicula "Frida", en que Trotsky da testimonio de vida frente a Diego Ribera y Frida kahlo, entre otros comensales a la mesa.
Channel: youtube
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